Yes. Culture and tradition provide a framework for human well-being, and cultural arguments cannot be used to tolerate violence against men, men or women. In addition, culture is not static, but constantly changes and adapts. Nevertheless, activities aimed at eliminating FGM should be developed and implemented in a way that responds to the cultural and social contexts of the communities that practice it. Behaviour can change if people understand the dangers of certain practices and realize that it is possible to abandon harmful practices without giving up useful aspects of their culture. According to a 2016 UNICEF statistical report , the global incidence of FGM has decreased over the past three decades. However, UNICEF argues that due to population growth, the total number of girls and women affected by FGM worldwide will increase significantly over the next 15 years if no effective measures are taken to prevent and stop it. Immigration has made the topic topical in Western countries, as communities affected by FGM move to the West. Although the exact number of women and girls living in Europe who have been the subject of the procedure is not known , it is estimated that around 103 000 of these women aged 15 to 25 and 10 000 aged 0 to 14 now live in England and Wales [6, 7]. Due to data protection restrictions, the datasets generated and analysed in this study are not publicly available because they contain information that may affect the anonymity of participants.
Despite obvious differences in understanding and perspective, neoliberal and empowerment awareness models, outlined so far, share a series of problematic Western assumptions arising from the analysis of the practice of female genital circumcision (Leve 2007 Hickel 2014). These assumptions require deconstruction. First, empowerment is seen as a uniliary progression towards a predefined goal, in which developmental subjects become „conscious“ agents, whether through economic dependence or by trying to overturn existing hierarchies. Theories of empowerment tend to reduce human subjectivity to the idea of a „conscious agent-subject with the ability and desire to go in a single historical direction“: that of increasing empowerment and pain reduction (Asad 2003: 79 Meyers in 2000). In the case of FGC, working with such essencialisms inherently ignores the role of pain as a social relationship, in the words of Asad (2003: 85): „Pain is more than an unpleasant and external thing that affects someone. This is part of what conditions mean to act and live. The European Parliament resolution of 14 June 2012 focused on ending female genital mutilation. Unlike Western societies, where pain must be eliminated through medical management, strong physical pain is normative and positive, an „embodied point of reference that supports a woman`s feeling for whom and what she is“ (Boddy 1998: 104). Finke (2006) found, in the case of Kenya, that the pain associated with FMC made the common memory deeper; Gives importance to the process; gives girls a sense of identity; and creates a sense of lifelong solidarity between a given age group. As Harcourt (2009) points out, talking about the real experiences of pain, pleasure, burden, sexuality, and health in developmental reports and programs is rare, often smoothed out in instructive medical descriptions, but the embodied experience of girls and women should be central to what it means to understand the empowerment process and what it imposes on them. The analysis of women`s position must therefore be based on the realities of their lives and not on the general assumption that they lack scientific knowledge of health and well-being, since the deeply cultural resonances, for both science and the FGC, facilitate such a judgment (Boddy 1998 Leve 2007).
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